Marco Rubio
Donald J. Trump
Shame?
I reject the opacity and the return of the same networks: the “oil deal” that gives away a fifth of Venezuela’s crude cannot be born with the vestiges of plunder
I reject, deny, and abhor as a Venezuelan the supposed prominence of Alejandro Betancourt as the “new oil zar” of Venezuela and the opaque scheme that places him at the center of an agreement granting access to more than 65 billion barrels of reserves (approximately one-fifth of the country’s proven reserves) through 17 strategic fields.
The new Venezuela cannot be born with vestiges of Chavismo, the boliburguesía, enchufismo, or the officialdom that for 27 years plundered, looted, and devastated the public treasury, emptying the national treasure. No more czars in the style of Araque, Ramírez, or anyone from that same lineage. We want technocracy, meritocracy, and real oil operators—not illusionists or intermediaries with capital of dubious origin.
The agreement announced between the interim government of Delcy Rodríguez and the Trump administration is presented as “historic.” It contemplates the development of 17 fields (a mix of already-operated and some greenfield sites, especially in the Orinoco Belt and Lake Maracaibo), with production projections exceeding 1.5 million barrels per day, elevated fiscal revenues for the State, and a duration of around 25 years. According to reports, Betancourt—through North American Blue Energy Partners (NABEP), the country’s second-largest private producer, of which he took full control after his former partner’s departure—appears as the key private-side minority partner/operator in the structure that would control those resources. NABEP was already producing around 150,000–200,000 barrels per day.
But the core problem is the opacity. The Production Participation Contracts (CPP) that Delcy Rodríguez promoted as Oil Minister between 2024 and 2025, under the umbrella of the Anti-Blockade Law, were awarded without an accessible public registry, without transparent tenders, and without clear information on ultimate beneficiaries, economic terms, or the real track record of the companies. Journalistic investigations and reports by Transparencia Venezuela have had to reconstruct the map from leaks, partial documents, and scattered reports. Figures range from 16 to 29 CPPs assigned to about 16 companies, which at one point collectively produced around 227,000–256,000 barrels per day. Many of those contracts were suspended or placed under review after the 2026 change in circumstances, but the damage to trust has already been done.
Among the companies that have come to light (an incomplete and provisional list, precisely because of the lack of transparency) are:
North American Blue Energy Partners (NABEP)** and related entities (Alejandro Betancourt).
Hainan Breey Energy Co. Ltd.
China Concord Resources / Petroleum.
Vulcan Energy Technology.
Colven Business & Corp.
Territorio Trading Group.
Accumes Holdings.
Aldyl Energía C.A.
Anhui Erhuan / Anhui Guangda and other Chinese-origin firms.
Cavallino Oil Company, Conbest Group, Consorcio Alvorada & Cladoca, Kerui Petroleum, LNGEG Growth, and several others of recent creation or little visible track record in the sector.
Many of these are small, offshore, or newly formed companies, lacking the technical experience, capital, and corporate governance standards of the major international operators. Various reports link them to networks from the previous period, sanctioned intermediaries, or figures from the boliburguesía. That is exactly why the major consolidated oil companies are not present—or are not leading: Chevron (which already operates and is the largest private producer), ExxonMobil, BP, Shell, Aramco, TotalEnergies, and the like.
The majors have access to capital at scale (the hundreds of billions Venezuela requires to recover destroyed infrastructure), proven technology for the heavy and extra-heavy crudes of the Orinoco Belt, international standards of compliance, transparency, and environmental responsibility, and demonstrated experience in global markets. Their presence reduces the risk of capture by local networks, money laundering, or chronic inefficiency. The small opaque entities, by contrast, reproduce the model that for nearly three decades enabled the plunder: discretionary contracts, lack of accountability, and ultimate beneficiaries difficult to trace.
I prefer—and any Venezuelan who wants a viable country should prefer—that the relaunch of the industry be carried out with the major oil companies suited to the international market, under clear rules, open tenders, and real institutional control, and not with a scheme that perpetuates the same characters or their front men. The transition may be slow and elections may arrive in 2027, but handing over control of one-fifth of the oil now under opacity and with actors of dubious trajectory is an abortion of freedom and of the future.
I demand total transparency on all contracts, the ultimate beneficiaries, and the terms. I demand that first-tier operators be prioritized. And I call on those with responsibility in the transition—including Edmundo González, María Corina Machado, and the international actors who claim to support the reconstruction of Venezuela—not to legitimize this model. No more czars. No more opacity. No more plunder disguised as opening.
The virtuous Venezuela we deserve is built with meritocracy, not with the same networks that destroyed it.
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I reject, deny, and abhor as a Venezuelan the supposed prominence of Alejandro Betancourt as the “new oil zar” of Venezuela.
The new Venezuela cannot be born with vestiges of Chavismo, boliburguesía, enchufismo, or the Marxist-narco-corrupt officialdom that has filled upscale neighborhoods in Madrid.
No more czars like Araque, Ramírez, or anyone from that same lineage.
We want technocracy and meritocracy. Real oil people, not illusionists like David Copperfield.
I know that opposing the Chavista system remains dangerous today.
That is why I call on Marco Rubio, Donald Trump, and Spanish and European justice to pay attention to this and to recover their drive and independence in the related cases that will inevitably arise.
I also demand a clear statement from elected president Edmundo González and from María Corina Machado, the country’s leader.
I accept that the transition may be slow and that elections will come in 2027.
But this is heartless: killing Venezuela now is an abortion of freedom and of the future.
Mikel de Elguezabal
13773219 – Navarra
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I reject, deny, and abhor as a Venezuelan the supposed prominence of Alejandro Betancourt as the “new oil zar” of Venezuela.
The new Venezuela cannot be born with vestiges of Chavismo, boliburguesía, enchufismo, or the Marxist-narco-corrupt officialdom that has filled upscale neighborhoods in Madrid.
No more czars like Araque, Ramírez, or anyone from that same lineage.
We want technocracy and meritocracy. Real oil people, not illusionists like David Copperfield.
I know that opposing the Chavista system remains dangerous today.
That is why I call on Marco Rubio, Donald Trump, and Spanish and European justice to pay attention to this and to recover their drive and independence in the related cases that will inevitably arise.
I also demand a clear statement from elected president Edmundo González and from María Corina Machado, the country’s leader.
I accept that the transition may be slow and that elections will come in 2027.
But this is heartless: killing Venezuela now is an abortion of freedom and of the future.
Mikel de Elguezabal
13773219 – Navarra
+++
Rechazo, niego y aborrezco como venezolano el supuesto protagonismo de Alejandro Betancourt como “nuevo zar del petróleo” de Venezuela.
La nueva Venezuela no puede nacer con vestigios del chavismo, del boliburguesismo, del enchufismo ni del oficialismo marxista-narco-corrupto que ha llenado barrios sifrinos de Madrid.
No más zares como Araque, Ramírez o cualquiera de esa misma estirpe.
Queremos tecnocracia y meritocracia. Gente de petróleo de verdad, no ilusionistas tipo David Copperfield, que nos van a robar el futuro y la esperanza en vivo y directo... no me jodas!
Sé que contrariar al sistema chavista sigue siendo peligroso hoy. Por eso pido a Marco Rubio, a Donald Trump, a la justicia española y europea que presten atención a esto y recuperen el ímpetu e independencia en los casos conexos que inevitablemente aparecerán.
Exijo también una declaración clara del presidente electo Edmundo González y de María Corina Machado, líder del país.
Me calo que la transición sea lenta y que las elecciones lleguen en 2027.
Pero esto es desalmado: matar a Venezuela ahora es un aborto a la libertad y al futuro.
Mikel de Elguezabal
13773219 – Navarra