martes, 8 de septiembre de 2026
Trabuco! truco! quiero y envido!
Rechazo, niego y aborrezco como venezolano el supuesto protagonismo de Alejandro Betancourt como “nuevo zar del petróleo” de Venezuela.
Rechazo la opacidad y el regreso de las mismas redes: el “acuerdo petrolero” que regala una quinta parte del crudo venezolano no puede nacer con vestigios del saqueo
Rechazo, niego y aborrezco como venezolano el supuesto protagonismo de Alejandro Betancourt como “nuevo zar del petróleo” de Venezuela y el esquema opaco que lo coloca en el centro de un acuerdo que entrega acceso a más de 65.000 millones de barriles de reservas (aproximadamente una quinta parte de las reservas probadas del país) a través de 17 campos estratégicos.
La nueva Venezuela no puede nacer con vestigios del chavismo, de la boliburguesía, del enchufismo ni del oficialismo que durante 27 años esquilmó, expolió y lapidó el erario público, saqueando el tesoro nacional. No más zares al estilo de Araque, Ramírez o cualquiera de esa misma estirpe. Queremos tecnocracia, meritocracia y operadores reales del petróleo, no ilusionistas ni intermediarios con capitales de origen dudoso.
El acuerdo anunciado entre el gobierno interino de Delcy Rodríguez y la administración Trump se presenta como “histórico”. Contempla el desarrollo de 17 campos (mezcla de yacimientos ya operados y algunos verdes, especialmente en la Faja del Orinoco y el Lago de Maracaibo), con proyecciones de producción superior a 1,5 millones de barriles diarios, ingresos fiscales elevados para el Estado y una duración de alrededor de 25 años. Según lo reportado, Betancourt —a través de North American Blue Energy Partners (NABEP), la segunda productora privada del país, de la que tomó control total tras la salida de su anterior socio— figura como socio minoritario/operador clave del lado privado en la estructura que controlaría esos recursos. NABEP ya producía en torno a 150.000-200.000 barriles diarios.
Pero el problema de fondo es la opacidad. Los Contratos de Participación Productiva (CPP) que Delcy Rodríguez impulsó como ministra de Petróleo entre 2024 y 2025, bajo el paraguas de la Ley Antibloqueo, se adjudicaron sin un registro público accesible, sin licitaciones transparentes y sin información clara sobre beneficiarios finales, condiciones económicas ni trayectoria real de las empresas. Investigaciones periodísticas y de Transparencia Venezuela han tenido que reconstruir el mapa a partir de filtraciones, documentos parciales y reportes dispersos. Se habla de entre 16 y 29 CPP asignados a unas 16 empresas, que en su momento llegaron a producir en conjunto unos 227.000-256.000 barriles diarios. Muchos de esos contratos fueron suspendidos o puestos en revisión después del cambio de escenario de 2026, pero el daño a la confianza ya está hecho.
Entre las empresas que han trascendido (lista incompleta y provisional, precisamente por la falta de transparencia) aparecen:
North American Blue Energy Partners (NABEP)** y vinculadas (Alejandro Betancourt).
Hainan Breey Energy Co. Ltd.
China Concord Resources / Petroleum.
Vulcan Energy Technology.
Colven Business & Corp.
Territorio Trading Group.
Accumes Holdings.
Aldyl Energía C.A.
Anhui Erhuan / Anhui Guangda y otras de origen chino.
Cavallino Oil Company, Conbest Group, Consorcio Alvorada & Cladoca, Kerui Petroleum, LNGEG Growth y varias más de reciente creación o poca trayectoria visible en el sector.
Muchas de estas son sociedades pequeñas, offshore o de reciente constitución, sin la experiencia técnica, el capital ni los estándares de gobierno corporativo de las grandes operadoras internacionales. Varios reportes las vinculan a redes del periodo anterior, intermediarios sancionados o personajes de la boliburguesía. Esa es exactamente la razón por la que no están —o no lideran— las grandes petroleras consolidadas que el país necesita: Chevron (que ya opera y es el principal productor privado), ExxonMobil, BP, Shell, Aramco, TotalEnergies y similares.
Las majors tienen acceso a capital de escala (los cientos de miles de millones que Venezuela requiere para recuperar infraestructura destruida), tecnología probada para crudos pesados y extrapesados de la Faja, estándares internacionales de compliance, transparencia y responsabilidad ambiental, y experiencia demostrada en mercados globales. Su presencia reduce el riesgo de captura por redes locales, de lavado de capitales o de ineficiencia crónica. Las pequeñas entidades opacas, por el contrario, reproducen el modelo que durante casi tres décadas permitió el saqueo: contratos discrecionales, falta de rendición de cuentas y beneficiarios finales difíciles de rastrear.
Prefiero —y cualquier venezolano que quiera un país viable debería preferir— que el relanzamiento de la industria se haga con las grandes petroleras medidas para el mercado internacional, bajo reglas claras, licitaciones abiertas y control institucional real, y no con un esquema que perpetúa a los mismos personajes o a sus testaferros. La transición puede ser lenta y las elecciones pueden llegar en 2027, pero entregar ahora el control de una quinta parte del petróleo bajo opacidad y con actores de dudosa trayectoria es un aborto a la libertad y al futuro.
Exijo transparencia total sobre todos los contratos, los beneficiarios finales y las condiciones. Exijo que se prioricen operadores de primer nivel. Y llamo a la atención de quienes tienen responsabilidad en la transición —incluyendo a Edmundo González, María Corina Machado y los actores internacionales que dicen apoyar la reconstrucción de Venezuela— para que no se legitime este modelo. No más zares. No más opacidad. No más saqueo disfrazado de apertura.
La Venezuela virtuosa que merecemos se construye con meritocracia, no con las mismas redes que la destruyeron
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Rechazo, niego y aborrezco como venezolano el supuesto protagonismo de Alejandro Betancourt como “nuevo zar del petróleo” de Venezuela.
La nueva Venezuela no puede nacer con vestigios del chavismo, del boliburguesismo, del enchufismo ni del oficialismo marxista-narco-corrupto que ha llenado barrios sifrinos de Madrid.
No más zares como Araque, Ramírez o cualquiera de esa misma estirpe.
Queremos tecnocracia y meritocracia. Gente de petróleo de verdad, no ilusionistas tipo David Copperfield, que nos van a robar el futuro y la esperanza en vivo y directo... no me jodas!
Sé que contrariar al sistema chavista sigue siendo peligroso hoy. Por eso pido a Marco Rubio, a Donald Trump, a la justicia española y europea que presten atención a esto y recuperen el ímpetu e independencia en los casos conexos que inevitablemente aparecerán.
Exijo también una declaración clara del presidente electo Edmundo González y de María Corina Machado, líder del país.
Me calo que la transición sea lenta y que las elecciones lleguen en 2027.
Pero esto es desalmado: matar a Venezuela ahora es un aborto a la libertad y al futuro.
Mikel de Elguezabal
13773219 – Navarra
miércoles, 2 de septiembre de 2026
Embassy of the United States of America Calle de Serrano, 75
Navarra, Spain
National ID (DNI) No. 73492846A
Navarra, Spain His Excellency Benjamin Leon, Jr.
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America
to the Kingdom of Spain and the Principality of Andorra
Embassy of the United States of America
Calle de Serrano, 75
28006 Madrid, Spain RE: Citizen Petition Requesting Congressional and Independent Judicial Investigation into the Legitimacy, Governance and Ethical Standing of the U.S. Department of War / North American Blue Energy Partners (NABEP) Pre-Agreement Concerning Venezuelan Oil ConcessionsYour Excellency,I write to you as a private citizen residing in Navarra, Spain, to respectfully but urgently request that this petition be transmitted through the appropriate channels of the Embassy to the United States Congress, the Office of the Attorney General, and the relevant oversight bodies of the U.S. federal government, so that they may open a formal investigation into the pre-agreement announced in August 2026 between the U.S. Department of War’s Office of Strategic Capital, North American Blue Energy Partners (NABEP), and Venezuela’s unelected interim authorities. This pre-agreement purports to grant NABEP 100-year concessions over 17 Venezuelan oil fields holding approximately 65 billion barrels of proven reserves, together with a 35 percent equity stake for the Pentagon and preferential purchase rights for the State Department.1. The Political Illegitimacy of the CounterpartyThe Venezuelan interim government that claims to grant these concessions did not originate from a free, internationally recognized popular election. It was installed following the forcible removal of the sitting president in January 2026, and it in turn traces its authority to a prior administration whose own democratic legitimacy has been repeatedly and credibly disputed by international observers.Everything that results from this illegal and illegitimate government lacks any moral, ethical, or legal foundation. Without a true, democratically elected government, there is no legitimacy of origin whatsoever. A government of this nature, while in office, would never bow to such an abusive attempt at sequestering national resources for 100 years, nor for 25 years, nor even for a single year, under such an opprobrious pseudo-contract that stands in direct contradiction to the Founding Fathers of America.2. The Opacity of the U.S. PartnersThe pre-agreement is structured through opaque U.S. partners. The American people, and the international partners of the United States, are entitled to know why the Pentagon chose to channel a strategic national-security and energy transaction of this magnitude through non-transparent intermediaries rather than opening the process to established, transparent operators. The immorality of the pre-contract does not depend on the particular party with whom the Pentagon chooses to do business: the problem is structural and inherent.3. Incompatibility with the Founding Principles InvokedThe agreement is publicly framed by the Administration as an assertion of American enterprise, energy independence, and the historic Monroe Doctrine. I submit, with respect, that a secretive hundred-year grant negotiated with an unelected government and channeled through opaque partners is inconsistent with those very principles — the free enterprise, republican accountability, and rule of law that the American founders, and the American public today, have every right to expect from their government’s dealings abroad.No freely elected, democratically legitimate government — Venezuelan or otherwise — would credibly agree to surrender a fifth of its proven reserves for a century without a public mandate to do so.4. A Constructive AlternativeThis petition is not an objection to U.S. investment in Venezuela’s energy sector, nor to the participation of major, reputable operators — including established U.S. majors — in developing fields previously ceded to Russian or Chinese interests. On the contrary: transparent, competitively bid agreements, of the kind associated with Venezuela’s 1990s oil-sector opening (“apertura petrolera”), would be welcomed. The request here is narrower and more precise: that the pre-agreement with NABEP, in its current form and with its current counterparties, be paused and independently reviewed before it is finalized.Requested ActionsI respectfully request that the Embassy forward this petition, and that the following steps be considered by the competent U.S. authorities:
- That the relevant committees of the United States Congress open hearings into the terms, counterparties, and vetting process of the NABEP pre-agreement;
- That the Office of the Attorney General review the due-diligence record concerning NABEP’s ownership and the transparency of its U.S. partners;
- That independent federal courts and inspectors general be permitted to assess the agreement’s compliance with U.S. law and with the standards of transparency the public is entitled to expect; and
- That, pending that review, the pre-agreement not be treated as final or irrevocable.
DNI 73492846A — Navarra, Spain
domingo, 30 de agosto de 2026
I reject, deny, and abhor as a Venezuelan the supposed prominence of Alejandro Betancourt as the “new oil zar” of Venezuela.
Marco Rubio
Donald J. Trump
Shame?
I reject the opacity and the return of the same networks: the “oil deal” that gives away a fifth of Venezuela’s crude cannot be born with the vestiges of plunder
I reject, deny, and abhor as a Venezuelan the supposed prominence of Alejandro Betancourt as the “new oil zar” of Venezuela and the opaque scheme that places him at the center of an agreement granting access to more than 65 billion barrels of reserves (approximately one-fifth of the country’s proven reserves) through 17 strategic fields.
The new Venezuela cannot be born with vestiges of Chavismo, the boliburguesía, enchufismo, or the officialdom that for 27 years plundered, looted, and devastated the public treasury, emptying the national treasure. No more czars in the style of Araque, Ramírez, or anyone from that same lineage. We want technocracy, meritocracy, and real oil operators—not illusionists or intermediaries with capital of dubious origin.
The agreement announced between the interim government of Delcy Rodríguez and the Trump administration is presented as “historic.” It contemplates the development of 17 fields (a mix of already-operated and some greenfield sites, especially in the Orinoco Belt and Lake Maracaibo), with production projections exceeding 1.5 million barrels per day, elevated fiscal revenues for the State, and a duration of around 25 years. According to reports, Betancourt—through North American Blue Energy Partners (NABEP), the country’s second-largest private producer, of which he took full control after his former partner’s departure—appears as the key private-side minority partner/operator in the structure that would control those resources. NABEP was already producing around 150,000–200,000 barrels per day.
But the core problem is the opacity. The Production Participation Contracts (CPP) that Delcy Rodríguez promoted as Oil Minister between 2024 and 2025, under the umbrella of the Anti-Blockade Law, were awarded without an accessible public registry, without transparent tenders, and without clear information on ultimate beneficiaries, economic terms, or the real track record of the companies. Journalistic investigations and reports by Transparencia Venezuela have had to reconstruct the map from leaks, partial documents, and scattered reports. Figures range from 16 to 29 CPPs assigned to about 16 companies, which at one point collectively produced around 227,000–256,000 barrels per day. Many of those contracts were suspended or placed under review after the 2026 change in circumstances, but the damage to trust has already been done.
Among the companies that have come to light (an incomplete and provisional list, precisely because of the lack of transparency) are:
North American Blue Energy Partners (NABEP)** and related entities (Alejandro Betancourt).
Hainan Breey Energy Co. Ltd.
China Concord Resources / Petroleum.
Vulcan Energy Technology.
Colven Business & Corp.
Territorio Trading Group.
Accumes Holdings.
Aldyl Energía C.A.
Anhui Erhuan / Anhui Guangda and other Chinese-origin firms.
Cavallino Oil Company, Conbest Group, Consorcio Alvorada & Cladoca, Kerui Petroleum, LNGEG Growth, and several others of recent creation or little visible track record in the sector.
Many of these are small, offshore, or newly formed companies, lacking the technical experience, capital, and corporate governance standards of the major international operators. Various reports link them to networks from the previous period, sanctioned intermediaries, or figures from the boliburguesía. That is exactly why the major consolidated oil companies are not present—or are not leading: Chevron (which already operates and is the largest private producer), ExxonMobil, BP, Shell, Aramco, TotalEnergies, and the like.
The majors have access to capital at scale (the hundreds of billions Venezuela requires to recover destroyed infrastructure), proven technology for the heavy and extra-heavy crudes of the Orinoco Belt, international standards of compliance, transparency, and environmental responsibility, and demonstrated experience in global markets. Their presence reduces the risk of capture by local networks, money laundering, or chronic inefficiency. The small opaque entities, by contrast, reproduce the model that for nearly three decades enabled the plunder: discretionary contracts, lack of accountability, and ultimate beneficiaries difficult to trace.
I prefer—and any Venezuelan who wants a viable country should prefer—that the relaunch of the industry be carried out with the major oil companies suited to the international market, under clear rules, open tenders, and real institutional control, and not with a scheme that perpetuates the same characters or their front men. The transition may be slow and elections may arrive in 2027, but handing over control of one-fifth of the oil now under opacity and with actors of dubious trajectory is an abortion of freedom and of the future.
I demand total transparency on all contracts, the ultimate beneficiaries, and the terms. I demand that first-tier operators be prioritized. And I call on those with responsibility in the transition—including Edmundo González, María Corina Machado, and the international actors who claim to support the reconstruction of Venezuela—not to legitimize this model. No more czars. No more opacity. No more plunder disguised as opening.
The virtuous Venezuela we deserve is built with meritocracy, not with the same networks that destroyed it.
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I reject, deny, and abhor as a Venezuelan the supposed prominence of Alejandro Betancourt as the “new oil zar” of Venezuela.
The new Venezuela cannot be born with vestiges of Chavismo, boliburguesía, enchufismo, or the Marxist-narco-corrupt officialdom that has filled upscale neighborhoods in Madrid.
No more czars like Araque, Ramírez, or anyone from that same lineage.
We want technocracy and meritocracy. Real oil people, not illusionists like David Copperfield.
I know that opposing the Chavista system remains dangerous today.
That is why I call on Marco Rubio, Donald Trump, and Spanish and European justice to pay attention to this and to recover their drive and independence in the related cases that will inevitably arise.
I also demand a clear statement from elected president Edmundo González and from María Corina Machado, the country’s leader.
I accept that the transition may be slow and that elections will come in 2027.
But this is heartless: killing Venezuela now is an abortion of freedom and of the future.
Mikel de Elguezabal
13773219 – Navarra
+++
I reject, deny, and abhor as a Venezuelan the supposed prominence of Alejandro Betancourt as the “new oil zar” of Venezuela.
The new Venezuela cannot be born with vestiges of Chavismo, boliburguesía, enchufismo, or the Marxist-narco-corrupt officialdom that has filled upscale neighborhoods in Madrid.
No more czars like Araque, Ramírez, or anyone from that same lineage.
We want technocracy and meritocracy. Real oil people, not illusionists like David Copperfield.
I know that opposing the Chavista system remains dangerous today.
That is why I call on Marco Rubio, Donald Trump, and Spanish and European justice to pay attention to this and to recover their drive and independence in the related cases that will inevitably arise.
I also demand a clear statement from elected president Edmundo González and from María Corina Machado, the country’s leader.
I accept that the transition may be slow and that elections will come in 2027.
But this is heartless: killing Venezuela now is an abortion of freedom and of the future.
Mikel de Elguezabal
13773219 – Navarra
+++
Rechazo, niego y aborrezco como venezolano el supuesto protagonismo de Alejandro Betancourt como “nuevo zar del petróleo” de Venezuela.
La nueva Venezuela no puede nacer con vestigios del chavismo, del boliburguesismo, del enchufismo ni del oficialismo marxista-narco-corrupto que ha llenado barrios sifrinos de Madrid.
No más zares como Araque, Ramírez o cualquiera de esa misma estirpe.
Queremos tecnocracia y meritocracia. Gente de petróleo de verdad, no ilusionistas tipo David Copperfield, que nos van a robar el futuro y la esperanza en vivo y directo... no me jodas!
Sé que contrariar al sistema chavista sigue siendo peligroso hoy. Por eso pido a Marco Rubio, a Donald Trump, a la justicia española y europea que presten atención a esto y recuperen el ímpetu e independencia en los casos conexos que inevitablemente aparecerán.
Exijo también una declaración clara del presidente electo Edmundo González y de María Corina Machado, líder del país.
Me calo que la transición sea lenta y que las elecciones lleguen en 2027.
Pero esto es desalmado: matar a Venezuela ahora es un aborto a la libertad y al futuro.
Mikel de Elguezabal
13773219 – Navarra